By Dr. Muhammad Salah al‑Din — Al‑Riyadh Weekly Magazine, 1954 / 1374 AH
Both of them—among the Arabs and Muslims, and in the eyes of the world—are great kings. They possess the majesty, splendor, and dignity of kingship, and they bear the title of “King.” Yet I prefer to call them simply by their names, stripped of all titles, as a gesture of deeper respect and honor.
I always regarded the late King Abdulaziz Al‑Saud not as a fearsome monarch, but as a beloved and obeyed leader. His entire life confirmed this view. The innate leadership within Abdulaziz is what enabled him to achieve the miracle of capturing Riyadh with no more than forty men, when he had barely reached twenty years of age. The gifted leadership within him is what expanded his realm, strengthened its foundations, and gathered around him hearts and minds.
It was the capable leader Abdulaziz who steered the ship of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia through the storms of international politics and foreign ambitions, bringing it safely to the shores of security and peace.
Then destiny came, and the founder of the Kingdom passed away, leaving behind a grave and difficult task—no less challenging than the task of building and founding: the task of organization and guidance.
This noble task falls, in most cases, upon the second man. If he is great—like his great predecessor—then the Kingdom is safe from stumbling, assured of stability, and its future begins bright and promising.
God, the Wisest of Judges, willed that Saud bin Abdulaziz be a great man like his father. He inherited from him blood and flesh, spirit and mind, appearance and essence. Above all, he inherited the gift of leadership. Before long, he became among his people—and in the eyes of his subjects—a beloved, gifted leader more than a feared king.
A few pessimists once feared for the Kingdom after the death of its founder. The sons were many, the burden heavy, and the void left by the late King immense. But the lion’s cub filled the lion’s den from the very first moment, proving the pessimists wrong.
I do not claim extensive knowledge of the internal affairs of the Kingdom, but news comes from it, reports speak of it, visitors return from it, and pilgrims come back after their Hajj. All of them describe and recount—and their words indicate—that conditions there inspire confidence and peace of mind.
There is also another eloquent witness to the soundness of internal affairs in the Kingdom: the soundness of its foreign policy.
This is a witness that does not fail. Foreign policy cannot be sound or steady unless the foundations of the state are sound through stable internal conditions. I have no doubt that Saud first ensured the progress of his Kingdom—its economic rise, its urban development, its social reforms—before directing its foreign policy along this admirable and upright path.
There is not a single Arab or Muslim people today who does not owe Saud a known debt. For he did not confine his foreign policy to defending the interests of Saudi Arabia alone. Rather, he boldly adopted every Arab and Islamic cause, defending them as he defended his own.
The Arabs and Muslims will never forget his firm and noble stance on the Palestinian cause. No sooner had he succeeded his great father than he continued his path, giving the utmost attention to this cause—one that concerns every Muslim and Arab, and one for which all leaders and rulers across the Arab and Islamic world claim to struggle.
But Saud distinguished himself in his defense of Palestine with a unique quality: clarity, decisiveness, and unwavering firmness.
He declared without hesitation, in a voice that echoed across the world:
“Israel is a malignant cancer in the heart of the Middle East. This cancer must be removed, even if its removal costs us millions of precious lives.”
This clarity never left him—not in any speech, statement, or conversation about Palestine, even in diplomatic settings. He told the well‑known American Jewish writer Alfred Lilienthal:
“I am frank by nature. I speak my opinions as I believe them and as my conscience dictates. If I have met with Arab leaders and heard their views on this cause, let me be frank with you: the peace and security of this region depend greatly on this issue. The catastrophe of Palestine was created by world Zionism with the help of British and American policy, and by the negative positions taken by some Arab leaders themselves. Were it not for this, we would not be where we are today.”
He continued:
“The Arab cause and their legitimate rights in Palestine are just. It is their land and their homeland, inherited from their forefathers. If Jews once lived there in ancient times, your own country, America, was once inhabited by others before those who rule it today. No one imagines that the descendants of those earlier peoples would demand that Americans leave their land simply because they lived there long ago.”
When Lilienthal asked him about the path to peace, Saud replied:
“The Zionists must submit to the truth and abandon their injustice. The great powers that love peace must help by returning all Palestinian refugees to their homes, farms, and shops, compensating them for all losses caused by Zionist aggression, enforcing all United Nations resolutions on Palestine, and halting all immigration of world Jewry into this small Arab land—immediately.”
He added:
“If this is impossible, and the Zionists persist in their aggression and threaten the Arabs’ very existence, then the Arabs have no choice but to defend themselves with their lives and wealth. Millions of Arabs and Muslims long to shed their blood in defense of Al‑Aqsa Mosque and its blessed land. This will come—without doubt—whether sooner or later. Palestine is Arab, and the nations concerned with the Jews and with peace in the Middle East must understand this truth and keep it before their eyes.”
When asked what form of government he envisioned for Palestine, he answered plainly:
“Palestine is Arab. This is the cornerstone of any future understanding.”
With this shining resolve, firm determination, and unwavering conviction, Saud speaks on every occasion about Palestine. I have deliberately quoted him at length so that the difference becomes clear between his approach to defending the Arabness of Palestine and the approach of other Arab and Muslim leaders.
He speaks of Palestine in the language of a leader, not the language of a king—with the voice of the people, not the tone of politicians.
In the same manner, Saud speaks about all Arab and Islamic causes—foremost among them the struggle for the independence of Morocco and the plight of Algeria, which colonial France claims as an inseparable part of its territory. Saud was among the first to respond to the pleas of this brotherly people, helping bring their just cause before international forums.
As for his stance on the Egyptian cause, none can describe it better than we Egyptians ourselves—and we are grateful, appreciative, and fully aware of his noble support.
I could go on at length detailing every major and minor aspect of Saud’s foreign policy, but I will conclude with a brief summary:
- He abolished the “Point Four Program” and dispensed with foreign experts and advisers, replacing them with Arabs.
- He rejected American aid until Arab issues were resolved.
- He worked to strengthen the Arab League and the Afro‑Asian bloc through practical means—chief among them personal visits.
- He has already visited Egypt, Kuwait, Jordan, and Pakistan.
- He established a noble tradition during the last Hajj season by opening it with a comprehensive political address covering all Arab and Islamic issues with the insight of a patriot and the skill of a seasoned diplomat.
I wish I had space to quote entire passages from that important speech, but due to the limits of this article—and the importance of the speech as a whole—I urge readers to return to it. It is the most accurate and eloquent record of the wise national policy Saud pursues for the good of the Arabs and Muslims.
In conclusion:
The pains of the Arabs are many, the sorrows of the Muslims abundant, and the injustices inflicted upon them severe. Their hopes in their leaders are vast. Yet Saud—may God preserve him—has been among the first to turn hope into productive, meaningful action.
And still, we ask him for more.
And from one like Saud, more can always be hoped for.