9 November 1956
“Brothers,
The world today is living through decisive hours in its history. It is experiencing moments that will determine its destiny—indeed, the destiny of all humanity. The world is passing through a critical juncture in which the fate of mankind is being shaped. Humanity today is threatened from one end of the earth to the other. Are we here in Egypt responsible for this threat? Are we responsible for what the world is facing today?
Egypt has declared its policy clearly: preserving its freedom and independence, and holding firmly to peace. At all times and in all places—and I spoke in your name—we called for peace. In Bandung we called for peace; in Brioni we called for peace; in Egypt we called for peace. But we also called for the preservation of our freedom, our independence, and our right to life.
There is a difference between peace and surrender—there is a difference between peace and surrender. Our declared policy is that we live free in our own land; that Egypt belongs to us; that its policy is independent. We will not be anyone’s tail, nor followers, nor will we take orders from London. Our policy springs from our conscience and from our spirit. We said here that we want to live a free, independent, dignified life—and at the same time, brothers, we called for peace.
Who is responsible today for the threat surrounding the entire world? Is Egypt responsible? Egypt—the young nation that rose to build itself, to develop, to construct, and to defend its very existence? Or are those responsible the greedy powers who wanted us to be their tail, their colony, their estate—taking orders from them, abandoning our freedom and independence, relinquishing our dignity and our honor?
Who is responsible for threatening the world with destruction today? The ones responsible, brothers, are the greedy colonialists, the merchants of war who seek to enslave nations—those who today threaten the world with a great global war that could annihilate humanity. They are the aggressors who came to our land, attacked us, assaulted our men, and violated our soil.
We tried by every means to save peace, to preserve our dignity and honor, and to protect our independence. And I have always told you: there is a difference between peace and surrender. If we call for peace, we call for a peace with dignity, honor, and pride. This never means surrender. We defend peace with our blood, with our sweat, and with our labor. And we know with absolute certainty the difference between peace and surrender.
Peace, brothers, means that we live a free and dignified life—enjoying our freedom, independence, honor, and dignity; enjoying our land; governing ourselves by ourselves. This is peace. As for the surrender desired by the aggressors, it means handing them leadership, taking orders from them, carrying out their demands, and becoming their followers.
Egypt pledged—Egypt pledged to the entire world—that when it defends its freedom and independence and calls for peace, it knows with certainty the difference between peace and surrender. Egypt and all its sons declared that, in order to preserve these great objectives, we shall fight for peace, fight for freedom, and fight for independence. Every one of our sons knows what peace is, and knows that preserving peace requires effort and struggle—requires sweat and blood. Every one of our sons seeks to preserve peace, and preserving peace never means surrender.
This is our position, citizens—this is our position since this Revolution rose to save Egypt from long occupation, since it rose to build Egypt’s material and moral strength. These were our goals. Did colonialism leave us? Did the merchants of war leave us? Did they leave us after we freed ourselves from long bondage, so that our national character could grow and every Egyptian could feel his dignity, honor, and right to life?
Colonialism never accepted to see Egypt liberated after long years of servitude. Colonialism never accepted to see Egypt raise its head to the sky—united, strong, cohesive—calling for freedom, independence, and peace. Colonialism always lay in wait for us, always demanded that you and I be its followers. And when I refused, brothers, to be a follower, I refused in your name—in the name of your dignity, your freedom, your honor, and your land.
When I said that we live free in this homeland, I knew with certainty that I was expressing the feelings of every one of you, and the hopes of every Egyptian. When I declared in your name that Egypt would live free, independent, and dignified—taking no orders from abroad, not subordinate to London—I was expressing each one of you, and your fathers and grandfathers who fought bitterly to reach this goal.
When I declared that we would fight to defend our freedom and independence, I was expressing every Egyptian, and your fathers and grandfathers who died for this cause. Our nation has struggled through the ages for freedom and independence. Our fathers and grandfathers were martyred for this freedom and independence. Colonialism always lay in wait to dominate us. Did we surrender? We never surrendered. Our fathers died, our grandfathers died—died in 1919, died in 1936, died in 1882. Through the years Egyptians died for the great goal: freedom, independence, unity, honor, and dignity.
Today, citizens, we walk the same path our fathers and grandfathers walked. Today we also die for independence, for honor, for freedom, for dignity. We die and we fight—and we will not surrender. Our fathers did not surrender, our grandfathers did not surrender, and we will never surrender. We shall fight—fight a bitter fight. And when I speak, brothers—when I spoke—I knew with certainty that I was expressing your views, your goals, your feelings, and the hopes of every one of you.
Whenever I declared this, I believed in this people—in its character, its strength, and its history. They said abroad that Egypt could not resist, could not fight. I told them: I am from this people and I know its character; I am from this people and I know its worth. Egypt has long resolved to be free. Egypt has struggled long against all forms of colonialism. Egypt has always been a graveyard for greedy invaders. Egypt lived thousands of years; empires vanished; invaders disappeared. And this people, which never dissolved through the ages, which preserved its strength and unity—has always struggled and will always struggle to achieve these goals.
If the world today faces destruction—if humanity today faces destruction—the responsibility is not ours. We called for our rights—our legitimate rights: freedom and life. We demanded to be honored in our homeland, honored in our country, honored on our soil. The responsibility lies with the colonialists, the tyrants, and the merchants of war—those who violated international law and moral values. We tried, and still try, by all means to spare the world this ordeal, but never at the expense of our sovereignty, dignity, or independence.
We faced this ordeal with resolve and faith. We know the aims of colonialism. What does colonialism want from us? What does Eden want in his statements? He wants to rule you—to rule Egypt. He says he wants Gamal Abdel Nasser. Why? Because Gamal Abdel Nasser refused—refused to be his agent. I represent the people of Egypt—not Eden, not the merchants of war, not the colonialists. Eden wants to rule Egypt again as he did before—from the British Embassy. He wants to control us and our destiny.
What is colonialism’s plan? Its goal is that we be subordinate. When we refused to be subordinate and insisted on being independent, dignified, and honorable, he imposed war upon us—imposed war through deceit and treachery. Eden imposed war to achieve his aims, to control us, our destiny, and our homeland. He imposed war—but, brothers, he will never impose surrender upon us.
Egypt, upon which war has been imposed—brothers, war has been imposed upon us—but in the name of the people of Egypt, in your name, I declare to the whole world that no one will ever impose surrender upon us. If war is imposed, we fight. God said that fighting has been prescribed for us though we dislike it. When war is forced upon us while we call for peace, we must fight—for we defend the honor of the nation, its dignity, its land, its freedom, and its pride. War has been imposed upon us, but no one will ever impose surrender.
This is the situation—this is the experience we have lived through in the past ten days. And I want to tell you, brothers, that today, after ten days of fighting against the forces of injustice and tyranny—against Israel, France, and Britain—we emerge from this ordeal stronger in faith, stronger in resolve, and stronger in power. Today, brothers, after ten days of fighting, we are one heart, one goal, one man.
Israel, which launched its attack against us on 29 October, was carrying out a colonial plan. On 29 October, Israel attacked Egypt as part of the joint colonial scheme of France and Britain—meaning there existed an Israeli‑British‑French alliance. On the night of the 29th, a Monday, Israel launched its assault and penetrated the Egyptian border in an area devoid of armed forces. On that same night, ‘honourable’ Britain announced that it would not exploit this opportunity to intervene. This was Israel’s attack… and I want to recount to you everything that happened from the 29th, so that we may all be fully aware and informed of every detail.
On the 29th, Israel entered our territory; on the same day Britain declared that it would not take advantage of the situation.
You may recall, brothers, when the attack on Qalqilya took place in our sister country Jordan, I sent a telegram to King Hussein warning him that we must be alert to the conspiracies of colonialism and those who support Israel. Israel remained on Monday without engaging our forces—just as the communiqués stated—because its troops were in the Sinai desert. No engagement occurred; they merely occupied an empty area containing a few border posts.
On Tuesday, the striking force of your armed forces began moving toward the eastern frontier. By Wednesday, your armed forces had taken their positions after concentrating along the eastern border, preparing to begin their battle in defense of the homeland and in response to Israel’s aggression. On Tuesday and Wednesday, our forces—gathered from various positions—carried out this mission with determination, resolve, and faith. These were the days in which our battle with Israel took place, and during which we believed Britain’s declaration that it would not seize the opportunity.
Our striking forces were on the eastern frontier, and most of our armed forces were beginning their operations there. The Egyptian Air Force, from the moment the aggression began, participated with full strength in the battle. On Tuesday morning and throughout Wednesday, our bombers carried out their duties in striking enemy airfields and concentrations. Our fighter aircraft on Tuesday were in continuous action. The pilots would land, take another aircraft, and return to the skies. Success was with us: from the start of the fighting on Monday night through Tuesday and Wednesday, we lost three pilots, while eighteen Israeli aircraft were shot down. Our air force was in control of the battlefield.
On Wednesday, I was surprised by a report stating that eighteen Israeli aircraft had been downed, including a large number of French ‘Mystère’ jets. Our pilots then reported that they had observed more ‘Mystère’ aircraft in the sky than the Israeli air force possessed. We reassessed the situation on Wednesday in light of this new factor and concluded that France had decided to assist Israel covertly with its air force. Despite this, our air force maintained control over the battlefield.
Until Wednesday, our main forces had not yet engaged Israel’s main forces, which were positioned in the south. The only battle that had taken place was on our eastern frontier between al‑‘Awja and Abu ‘Ujayla, where our forces repelled three Israeli attacks—as stated in the official communiqués—and inflicted losses upon them. This was the situation at 6 p.m. on Wednesday.
At 6 p.m. on Wednesday, the great deception occurred—treachery, betrayal, and a violation of all moral values. Jet bombers struck Cairo International Airport. It was another surprise. After 6 p.m. we said: Britain has also decided to assist Israel secretly.
At 7 p.m. on Wednesday, Britain announced—through the ‘Voice of Britain’—that they had formed something called the ‘Allied Command,’ meaning the British‑French allies, without of course mentioning that the Israelis were with them. The British‑French‑Israeli alliance thus became clear. They declared that they were acting to preserve world peace, and therefore would intervene to separate the forces—that is, to separate Egyptian and Israeli forces.
This announcement, made on Wednesday, was intended to deceive world public opinion and deceive Egypt. They said they would intervene by force. We waited to see the situation. The intervention continued throughout Wednesday night: continuous raids on our airfields—our airfields here in Egypt, not on the battlefront—and on our weapons and camps. It became clear that Britain’s stated purpose, and what Mr. Eden claimed in the House of Commons, was nothing but a major deception. His real aim was to strike the Egyptian people, to force us to surrender to his brutal forces, to inflict the greatest possible losses upon us, to draw our army toward the Israeli border and then strike us, leaving us exposed before Israel so they could claim that Israel had defeated the Egyptian army and thus bring humiliation and disgrace upon us. This was Mr. Eden’s aim—not merely to fight us, but to humiliate us.
Had Mr. Eden attacked us directly without this deception, we would have respected him and fought him as equals. But when he attacked us, he did so with deceit and treachery. It was a battle, brothers, in which deception and betrayal were manifest. They fought us under the name of peace—under the claim of preserving world peace. They struck Egypt, struck Cairo and its airports, under the name of peace.
This battle, brothers, abandoned all standards of honor, dignity, and moral values. We realized from the very beginning on Wednesday that Eden’s aim was the same as in 1840. In 1840, Egypt had managed to liberate itself, to build, and to establish a strong armed force. Eden’s aim was the same as Britain’s aim in 1840. When Britain saw Egypt strong and possessing a distinct national character, it gathered a number of states and struck the Egyptian fleet at Navarino, achieving its objective.
We said: we must defeat Eden in achieving his aim. A swift decision was issued on Wednesday to withdraw all Egyptian armed forces from the eastern front so that they would be west of the Canal. In this way, we would prevent Eden from achieving his goal of depriving us of our air force, assisting Israel, and presenting to the world an Egyptian army isolated in Sinai—cut off from supplies and reinforcements—forced to fight the British‑French‑Israeli air forces, after which they would claim that Israel had defeated the Egyptian army, breaking our spirit and imposing humiliation upon us.
At that moment, brothers, we understood that Britain’s claim that it would separate Egypt from Israel was nothing but a British‑French‑Israeli alliance aimed at destroying Egypt’s armed forces. If they destroyed our armed forces, they could control Egypt and achieve their colonial objectives, returning Egypt once again to a colony taking orders from the British Embassy and the British government. And of course, the struggle would begin anew. These were the aims of the enemy.
Orders were issued immediately on Wednesday to withdraw all armed forces from Sinai, to fight west and east of the Canal in the Canal Zone. Our aim was to defeat Eden’s objective.
You all know the ultimatum that arrived on Tuesday—an ultimatum from Eden and Mollet, from Britain and France, addressed to the President of Egypt, who represents you. They said that we must accept the occupation of Port Said, Ismailia, and Suez by British‑French forces in order to ‘protect the Canal’ and ‘halt the advance of the Israelis.’
Such an ultimatum cannot be accepted by any person who values his dignity, nor by any nation that values its identity. It is impossible for anyone to accept it. In the name of this people, I rejected this ultimatum. I told them that we will never accept any occupation willingly. I rejected this ultimatum in the name of the Egyptian people—the people who have struggled through the years for this freedom and against colonial ambitions—and who will continue to struggle to preserve the achievements we have gained and the freedom we have secured.
This is what happened on Tuesday. On Wednesday, British intervention began. All of you here in Cairo surely felt what they intended: their aim was to break your armed forces, to leave Egypt without an army, and then seize us by the throat and control us. On Thursday and Friday—Wednesday night into Thursday, and Thursday night into Friday—your armed forces were able to return from Sinai in cohesive formation. Our forces returned from Sinai intact, and during the day they confronted the combined Israeli‑British‑French air forces, which were striking them with the aim of annihilation.
I want to tell you, brothers, that by God’s grace your armed forces returned from this exhausting operation strong and united. We suffered losses during the withdrawal due to British attacks and air strikes on our airfields, and also on our forces as they returned from Sinai. We lost vehicles—non‑armored ones—due to air strikes. But as I told you last Friday, we replaced these vehicles from the enemy’s own depots in the Canal Zone.
The enemy’s objective, brothers—their objective—was to destroy your armed forces and enslave us. By Friday, our forces had returned, leaving behind sacrificial units in the forward area to block the Israelis and cover the withdrawal of their comrades. These units fought bitterly for the higher purpose of preserving our armed forces and preventing the destruction planned for them by Britain, France, and Israel.
On Sunday, the bombardment intensified. On Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, Alexandria was struck, as were the Canal cities—Port Said, Ismailia, and Suez—and Cairo. But we, brothers, were living this experience for the first time. Even during the Second World War, we did not endure such a trial. The people grew more united, more determined, more resolute. During these raids and these British acts of brutality, I felt your emotions. I felt the people growing stronger and more steadfast. When I came here on Friday after three days of raids and saw the people, I found that these attacks had only strengthened their resolve to defend their freedom and independence.
The British, as they said—as their Minister of War said yesterday in the British Parliament—believed the operation would be simple. Reports said that before launching their attack, their Minister of War went to Cyprus, and they told him: ‘We will take Egypt in 24 hours. The Egyptian people are not united. It will be easy to return as we were in the past.’
Then, brothers, the attack on Port Said began. Two states—calling themselves great powers—Britain and France, colonial states, with their fleets, their aircraft, their forces, launched the invasion. Their goal was to conquer Egypt in 24 hours. Your armed forces and the people resisted this invasion with fierce determination—resisting the Israeli‑British‑French assault with unwavering courage. The people united with their armed forces. The British managed to seize positions outside Port Said, but the armed forces and the people returned to the city to fight.
On Monday, Eden announced in the House of Commons that Port Said had surrendered. I did not believe this, because I felt the resolve, faith, and determination of this people—a people that declared it would fight to the last drop of blood could never surrender.
Port Said did not surrender—it fought. I know, brothers, that Port Said suffered: it was bombed by aircraft, shelled by the fleet, and attacked by invading forces. But Port Said protected you—protected all of Egypt. Port Said saved all of Egypt. Port Said was able to thwart the colonial plan that claimed Egypt would fall in 24 hours. Yesterday, the British Minister of War said in Parliament that resistance still continued in Port Said, and that he believed he needed three more days before the city could return to ‘normal.’
Brothers, I lived the Battle of Port Said, and I believe each one of you lived it as well. I lived it with my nerves, my blood, and my heart. My nerves were with them, and I knew what they were enduring. But war was imposed upon us. While we called for peace, war was forced upon us. We must fight, and we must bear sacrifices for the sake of the dignity we seek, for the sake of preserving our honor, our pride, and our independence.
Port Said, brothers, saved you—saved Egypt, saved the Arabs, saved all the small nations defending freedom and independence. The martyrs of Port Said fell for the same great cause for which martyrs fell in the days of the Prophet—peace be upon him—and in the days of Christ, when martyrs died for noble ideals. In the early Christian era, martyrs fell calling for peace and for a message. In the early Islamic era, when Muhammad—peace be upon him—rose, martyrs fell and fought when war was imposed upon them. And today, brothers, our martyrs fall because we fight when war is imposed upon us. When we say we fight when war is imposed upon us, we mean that surrender will never be imposed upon us. We will defend our dignity, our honor, and our homeland.
Port Said, brothers, paid the blood tax—Port Said paid the blood tax. In its ordeal, Port Said sacrificed for each one of you—sacrificed its blood for Egypt. Port Said protected our honor—the honor of the nation. As I told you, the honor of the nation cannot be divided. Port Said sacrificed and fought. I know, as I speak to you, that its people endured hardship. But Port Said showed the entire world that Egypt will resist with continuous, unyielding determination. The resistance of Port Said and the unity of this people were the factors that defeated colonialism in its aggressive plan. The resistance and sacrifice of Port Said, and the unity of this people—Port Said’s resistance to Britain and France, and its sacrifice of blood for this nation—are what mobilized the entire world against Britain and France. They saw that this is a free people, a people who have tasted freedom and will not relinquish it; a people who said they would fight for freedom—and indeed fought; a people who said they would not surrender—and will never surrender, but will struggle with fierce, unrelenting determination.
Port Said defended all of Egypt. And I tell you: Port Said bore the blood tax. Its people faced hardship and suffering. But war was imposed upon us—imposed upon us, as God Almighty said: ‘Fighting has been prescribed for you, though it is hateful to you.’ But if war is imposed upon us, we must fight and defend.
The invaders’ plan collapsed before the resistance of the people of Port Said—the plan that claimed Egypt would fall in 24 hours. Their Minister of War said yesterday that they still needed three days before Port Said could return to normal. I know, brothers—as I told you and as happened—that Port Said endured an ordeal. But today, brothers, we write our future with our blood—truly write our free future with our blood. We write the history of our nation, and today we determine our destiny. When war is imposed upon us, we must fight and defend.
This is the resolve and determination of the Egyptian people. And when I speak of Port Said, I tell you: we were all with it in this battle—with our nerves and our blood. I was present in the battle. I went to Port Said—I went at night. I left here at one in the morning when they said Port Said was threatened with invasion. I said: I must reach Port Said. I left at one, reached Ismailia at 3:30 a.m., but could not reach Port Said. In the morning they said the invading forces had landed in Port Said. I saw Ismailia, saw the morale of its people, saw citizens standing shoulder to shoulder with the armed forces—each carrying his weapon, each saying he would defend his country and die for it.
This, brothers, is Egypt—the true Egypt, the free Egypt, the proud Egypt. This is the Egyptian people in whom I believed, and in whom each one of us believes. This is our hope. From this experience, brothers, we emerge stronger than we entered it. The Egyptian people emerged united and cohesive, full of resolve, determination, and faith that they will defend their freedom with their blood.
Today, brothers, with these sacrifices—with this pure blood—we write our future, our history, our freedom, our independence, our dignity, and our honor.
Today, brothers, as we declared—and I stand with you as one of you, as I promised—we will fight to the last drop of our blood for our freedom. We said: if war is imposed upon us, we must fight for this freedom and independence. Surrender will never be imposed upon us. We will fight—we will fight—and we will never surrender, brothers.
Brothers… brothers:
Our brothers in the Arab countries—the Arab nation, the Arab stance—questions arose, and hostile propaganda aimed at destroying Arab nationalism sought to sow doubt and discord among us. On Wednesday, King Saud called me by telephone and told me that the Saudi army was at Egypt’s disposal, that Saudi funds were at Egypt’s disposal, and that Saudi Arabia was ready to do anything we asked. My response was that we were concerned about Jordan, because the Egyptian army could repel the Israeli aggression and teach Israel a lesson. I informed him that we would contact Jordan so that Saudi Arabia could cooperate with Jordan in defending the brotherly Jordanian people. But King Saud told me that the Saudi army was ready to assist Egypt and respond to any request, and that Saudi funds were at Egypt’s disposal.
King Hussein, brothers, also called me the same day and said that the Jordanian army was ready—based on the agreement signed between Egypt and Jordan fifteen days earlier—to carry out whatever the joint command decided, and that Jordan was fully cooperating with us. King Hussein meant every word he said. He told me they were ready to implement any joint plan. I told him that our aim was to avoid opening a front in Jordan, and that we wanted to confine the fighting at that moment to the Egyptian and Israeli armies, and that Saudi Arabia and Jordan should cooperate to confront Israeli forces if they attempted to attack Jordan.
King Saud offered—and meant every word—to send forces, and waited for us to request them. But our plan prevented him from sending forces to Egypt, because Jordan was more threatened than Egypt, given that the attack was Israeli alone. King Hussein offered all possible assistance, but our plan was not to involve Jordan in the battle at that time. This happened on Friday.
Syria—President Shukri al‑Quwatli contacted the Syrian army through the joint command and said that Syria was ready to undertake any action assigned to it. But our plan was also to avoid opening another front for the Syrian army or for Syria.
This is the position of the states allied with us—Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Syria; King Saud, King Hussein, and President Shukri al‑Quwatli. Their stance is honorable, inspiring pride and confidence. These are our allied nations. And why do I say this? Because the enemy’s radio asks: ‘Where are the Arabs? Where is Arab nationalism?’ The enemy’s propaganda aims to destroy Arab nationalism, because Arab nationalism is our strength, and we all believe that our power lies in our unity as Arabs.
What did the Arab peoples do during this ordeal—this ordeal that Egypt has faced? The Arab peoples everywhere stood with us against colonialism, against colonial interests, and against the agents of colonialism. From Iraq to Morocco, the Arab peoples were united with us. We entered this battle when Arab nationalism was mere words, and we emerged from it with Arab nationalism transformed into action—real action undertaken by kings, presidents, and peoples. Arab nationalism is the purpose, the goal. Arab nationalism is the target of colonialism, because they want to destroy this nationalism, destroy the unity of the Arab peoples, destroy the Arab nationalism that has risen. And I told you three months ago that Arab nationalism has ignited, and no one will be able to extinguish it.
Arab nationalism, brothers, is not Gamal Abdel Nasser, nor the leadership of Gamal Abdel Nasser. Arab nationalism is each one of you, each member of the Arab peoples, each member of the Arab nation. The past ten days proved that Arab nationalism—once only words—has become action. Why is Britain not receiving oil today? Because the Arabs learned how to strike Britain at its core. The Arabs cooperated with you in every field. They exposed themselves to losses, but in doing so they fought your enemies. They exposed themselves to losses—blowing up pipelines, cutting off oil to Britain and France. This was a loss for them, but also a decisive blow to the enemy.
Today, Arab nationalism has become action, has become deed, has become unity, has become resolve. Arab nationalism today is not what it was ten days ago. Thus the goal Britain sought—destroying Arab nationalism—has turned against it. Arab nationalism today is stronger and more firmly rooted than before.
The Arabs today—leaders and peoples—stand as one man with Egypt in this ordeal; indeed, in this battle. It is not an ordeal but a battle in which we set an example for freedom and dignity. ‘Sawt al‑Arab’ was a military target. ‘Sawt al‑Arab,’ which carried Egypt’s voice to the Arab nation, was struck by the aircraft of the states that came with Israel to ‘save’ us. ‘Sawt al‑Arab,’ brothers, speaks today—though it was a military target struck by British and French aircraft—it speaks louder than before, knowing that the Arabs are united completely.
Today, brothers, as I tell you: we are stronger than we were ten days ago. Why? Because all the Arabs have united; all the Arabs are determined to stand with Egypt against colonialism and its interests. Today, Egypt is supported by the entire world. The whole world has risen against the aggressors. All nations of the world—except Britain, France, Israel, and Menzies of Australia—stand with us. Even the free people of Britain and France themselves stand against the brutal aggression, against the merchants of war, against colonialism and the colonialists. The whole world is with us.
Egypt is united, strong, determined with resolve and faith. The Egyptian army returned intact and cohesive; its losses in equipment were replaced from British depots in the Suez Canal Zone. As for the Egyptian Air Force—let me tell you its story in the last four days: after Wednesday, after Britain and France entered the battle, I told you that on Tuesday and Wednesday we lost three aircraft and three pilots—martyrs. On Wednesday, Britain’s aim became clear: to destroy our armed forces. Air raids began with a very large number of aircraft.
We faced two options requiring a decision: should the Air Force enter this battle and lose all its pilots, destroying the Air Force for a long time—when training a pilot takes four years? Or should we leave the skies to them until the decisive moment? This decision required firmness. I concluded that we must defeat Britain’s aim. Let them strike some aircraft on the ground, but our pilots must remain ready for the decisive battle. When these orders reached the pilots on Thursday morning, they were in a state of refusal—they insisted on flying. I welcomed their enthusiasm, and they had fought fiercely on Tuesday and Wednesday, downing eighteen Israeli aircraft. But if they flew and engaged the British and French in these battles, we would reach the decisive moment with most of our pilots martyred.
I issued strict orders: no engagement with enemy aircraft except through anti‑aircraft guns. We strengthened our air defenses and left the aircraft on the airfields, where we had placed wooden decoy planes.
We succeeded in preserving our Air Force. The enemy’s radio stations claimed they had destroyed it. Yes, they struck all the airfields; yes, we suffered equipment losses; yes, the strikes had an effect. But the claim that they destroyed our Air Force is nonsense. The day before yesterday, during the Port Said landings, Egyptian aircraft appeared in battle—flying in the morning and afternoon. Panic began in Britain. Telegrams came saying that Russian aircraft must have been participating, because they believed they had destroyed the Egyptian Air Force.
Yesterday, news from London said there was a ‘mystery’: the Egyptian Ilyushin bombers could not be found—they were searching for them and did not know where they were.
Thus, we emerged from this ordeal and this battle without allowing the enemy to achieve its goal. The army returned cohesive, capable of fierce combat. Our Air Force remains intact. Our navy carried out heroic operations, fighting the British and French navies. Officers went out on missions knowing they might not return—some were martyred, others returned—but all went with the spirit of sacrifice.
This aggression aimed at several objectives. First: the occupation of Egypt. This goal could not be achieved because Egypt fought—army and people as one.
They wanted to destroy our unity as before—but they failed. Our unity increased. Today, each of us feels closer to his brother than before. They wanted to destroy the army—but they failed. The army is intact; its equipment losses were replaced from the enemy’s own stores.
The army fought and bore losses—pure blood was shed. Men gave the finest examples of heroism in defense of their homeland and Egypt’s honor. They fought fiercely and achieved the objective assigned on Wednesday: to return to the Canal so we could unite the front against the Israeli‑British‑French alliance.
The navy carried out heroic operations in Suez and the Mediterranean, inflicting losses on the enemy.
Eden did not achieve his goals. He claimed he came to defend the Suez Canal. All he did was block it. Today they complain of reduced oil supplies—oil cut off from Britain and France by their own aggression.
We have controlled the Canal since July, and more than 3,000 ships passed through it. Navigation stopped only because of British and French aggression—because they struck ships in the Canal and destroyed the El‑Ferdan bridge to prevent the army’s return. When the army went to Sinai, they left it alone; when it returned, they attacked it.
Thus Eden did not achieve his goal. The people are united, full of strength, resolve, and faith. Arab nationalism has become reality after being mere words.
The Egyptian army is cohesive—Eden could not achieve his aim. The Egyptian navy is cohesive. The Egyptian Air Force—still present—is awaiting its role in battle.
Why did we accept the ceasefire? When the entire world—the free world—condemned the aggression on 2 November, and when the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution to stop the fighting, Egypt—calling for peace—accepted the ceasefire. This meant that France and Britain—the aggressors, the war criminals—were isolated from the entire world.
The whole world rose against the aggression and the merchants of war. Leaders everywhere condemned them—Asia, Africa, even Europe. Support came from every direction.
Nations were ready to fight alongside us. World conscience condemned Eden’s and France’s aggression. Britain and France became isolated. And as I told you, part of the French people, and part of the British people—the free among them—stood against the aggression.
I believe you have all seen how the free voices in these countries have condemned the aggression, declaring that the claim of ‘saving Egypt from Israel’ is something no reasonable person can accept or believe. You have colonial aims, and you have aggressive aims. Egypt accepted the ceasefire; Britain did not, nor did Israel or France.
Britain and France, in refusing the ceasefire—along with Israel—believed that Egypt was an easy prey. They ignored the conscience of the world; they were playing with fire. Egypt’s valiant resistance and the martyrdom of her sons in defense of her land were the first factors in Eden’s defeat and in the defeat of the aggression.
The next day, Russia issued a warning to Britain and France, informing them that it was prepared to eliminate the Anglo‑French aggression by force if they did not withdraw. After that, I contacted President Eisenhower of the United States. I informed him of the situation and of Egypt’s position, and I asked him about America’s stance—before and after the Soviet warning. I learned that the American President opposed this aggression, and that the United States would use all means to curb the aggressive spirit in France and Britain and to stop these barbaric acts.
Thus today, two great powers stand with us: Russia, which threatened and declared its position, and America, which informed me that it opposes the aggression.
The rest of the world has condemned this aggression. Nehru, Tito, Sukarno—all the free leaders of the world denounced it as a crime, calling it an act against humanity.
Brothers, when I tell you that our position today—after ten days—is stronger than before, I mean what I say. The people are united; the colonial plan has collapsed and shattered. The decisive factor was the resistance of the Egyptian people, written about by newspapers across the world.
Arab nationalism has been realized; it has become action after being mere words. The Egyptian army, air force, and navy are strong and cohesive. The British failed to execute their plan.
Two major powers stand against the aggression: Russia and America. Russia explicitly threatened to crush the aggressors. This is the situation.
The United Nations acted continuously. When Hammarskjöld saw that Britain, France, and Israel refused to cease fire and ignored the will of the world’s peoples, he announced his resignation. I sent him a message saying: we do not want you to resign; we want you to stand with us in the battle for peace, for humanity, for freedom.
They said Egypt would withdraw from the United Nations. I said Egypt will not withdraw; Egypt will fight with every weapon—political and military.
After the situation developed, and the entire world stood against Britain and France, and the specter of world war appeared, Britain and France agreed to cease fire.
Yesterday, Eisenhower warned Israel that it must withdraw immediately. The day before, Israel declared it would remain. Bulganin warned Israel that it must withdraw immediately. That night, Israel announced it would withdraw behind the borders.
Brothers, has the battle ended? The battle has not ended. We face—citizens—the forces of treachery, injustice, colonialism, and the merchants of war. We resist today, and the whole world is with us—against aggression, against the crimes of war, against the merchants of war.
The battle has not ended. It continues. Colonialism has not yet achieved its aims—enslaving you, controlling you, dominating your destiny. Colonialism has not succeeded in subjugating Egypt or turning its government into a subordinate regime.
Colonialism has been defeated, and its interests in this region have suffered great damage. Will colonialism retreat? Will it not lie in wait for us again? The battle, brothers, continues.
There are two battles: a political battle and a military battle. We have not yet responded to the United Nations resolutions issued the day before yesterday; we are studying them word by word. Egypt will not accept anything that affects its sovereignty or its dignity. Egypt will insist on preserving its sovereignty, independence, territory, and honor. In this political battle, we will be cautious—so that we are not deceived when they could not defeat us by force. We will be cautious so that we are not taken by treachery, as we were in the military battle. As for our military battle, we are fully prepared. Everyone in the country is preparing; our forces are preparing.
The British say they are bringing technicians to repair the Canal.
We have declared that as long as there is a foreign force, a foreign soldier, on Egyptian soil, we will not begin repairing or clearing the Canal. This affects our defensive plans against treachery. We were taken by treachery once; we will not be taken by treachery again.
This, citizens, is our position today—resolve, determination, and faith.
This, citizens, is our slogan today: we want peace, but surrender will never be imposed upon us.
This, citizens, is our slogan today: unity and strength, work and determination, struggle and sacrifice. The whole world supports us—free people everywhere. And when I tell you that the world is passing through the most dangerous moment in its history, threatening all humanity, I declare to the world that Egypt is not the cause. Egypt has not attacked anyone; Egypt defended its sovereignty. Those who threaten humanity today are the merchants of war—the aggressors who attacked our homeland and our land.
Our slogan today, brothers, is to turn to God—to fill our hearts with faith and determination.
Our slogan today is to turn to God to strengthen us and aid us in resisting the tyrannical aggressors.
Our slogan today: we shall fight—we shall fight in defense of our homeland, and we shall not relinquish our sovereignty.
Our slogan today, citizens: if we desire peace, and if war is imposed upon us, no one will ever impose surrender upon us. May God grant you success, and grant success to Egypt.
Peace be upon you.